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English what do you want to be when you grow up? It makes available to them an array of experiences that otherwise would have been unavailable to them and, precisely because such an experience is a vicarious one, allows them to see themselves in a situation that is radically different from their own Thompson, , These audience based approaches encourage the view that audiences actively engage with global media products and, drawing upon their social and cultural environments, selectively appropriate aspects of them into their lives.
In view of this audience centric critique of the media imperialism thesis, the next section will give an overview of the reception of telenovelas amongst Kenyan audiences touching on its debated identity as a media imperialist product. The telenovela debate and the Kenyan market Telenovelas, the Latin American version of soap opera, have captured global markets and audiences.
Their international popularity has been attributed to their economic appeal, increased production, corporate strategy targeting worldwide exports Biltereyst and Meers, and to the language regions which they target Biltereyst and Meers, Kenya began importing and airing Latin American telenovelas from Mexico and Brazil in the early s.
See appendix 4 for a comparison of the amount of airtime that is dedicated to other soap operas that are produced either locally or in the United States or Australia. Telenovelas have also infiltrated other aspects of the daily lives of Kenyans.
The streetlights on main highways coming into and out of the Nairobi city centre are mounted with advertisements featuring the latest telenovelas to air on television. The back pages of Instinct, the Saturday magazine pull- out in the Standard, a local daily newspaper, carry advertisements of the latest telenovelas to air on KTN.
Matatus, 14 seater public service vehicles, are painted with the names of telenovela characters. Local radio stations have on-air call-in competitions structured around telenovela narratives. Kenyan women also emulate the costumes, hair styles and behaviour of some of the telenovela characters Rehal, The unprecedented popularity of telenovelas in Kenya therefore continues to grow rapidly.
The growth of telenovelas in the Kenyan market is mirrored by their growth in other global markets, and their international expansion has given rise to an evolving telenovela debate Biltereyst and Meers, In this debate, telenovelas are considered a form of reverse cultural imperialism Rogers and Antola, ; Barker, ; Sousa, in Straubhaar, As distinctively Latin American products, imbued with a cultural value and authenticity that is deeply rooted in historical forms of local fiction Straubhaar, ; Martin-Barbero, ; Trinta, , telenovelas pose a challenge to the status quo established by the North American media and its products, and to the traditional one- way flow of information from north to south, centre to periphery Barker, ; Biltereyst and Meers, From this perspective, Latin America may have emerged as a competing centre to North America, a result of shifts in the global balance of power between nation-states and blocs and forged new sets of global interdependencies Featherstone, The second position within the debate aligns telenovelas with North American media products and sees them as contributing to the validity of the media imperialism thesis since they too carry a distinctively imperialist ideology which has a direct, unmediated impact on audience behaviour Biltereyst and Meers, in the receiving countries.
Telenovelas are seen as neither an alternative nor a challenge to North American media products in any real sense Biltereyst and Meers, They either perpetuate the same cultural message as North American media products or initiate their own brand of cultural imperialism Tomlinson, ; Reeves, by distributing media messages imbued with their own distinct culture. The real power structures in global communication are therefore seen to remain the same Biltereyst and Meers, since the Latin American media models are structured upon the US commercial model Fox and Waisbord, and US interests retain capital control over these media houses Sousa, Some Kenyan media critics have sided with this latter argument which asserts the culturally imperialist identity of telenovelas and how they invade and manipulate local audiences and cultures Wandago, However, the general approach to the recent presence of telenovelas in the Kenyan market is celebratory.
These articles quote a number of young women who watch the Latin American telenovelas. Another article narrates how a Kenyan woman proposed to her boyfriend by putting a ring in his cup of tea, having seen a similar proposal on television where the couple got married and lived happily ever after George, This section, in accordance with ethnographic approaches to audience studies, localises the reception of Latin American telenovelas within the particular group that this study is concerned with: young Kenyan women living in an urban environment, showing that these women actively respond to telenovelas, its themes, characters and storylines and appropriate elements from it into their own lives.
The next section will offer a critique of the ethnographic approach to audience studies, and it will discuss particular ethnographic reception studies of global media products by first world audiences and African audiences. Ethnographic audience studies 6.
Ethnographic audience studies encourage a study of audiences that is located within the specific social and cultural contexts that mediate their understandings and interpretations Cary and Kreiling, ; Morley, ; Thompson, ; White, ; Nightingale, ; Boyd-Barrett and Newbold, It describes media products as cultural resources Fiske, ; Strelitz, , and not merely cultural commodities, from which audiences derive meanings, pleasures and identities.
Emphasis is placed on sociality Martin-Barbero, : the social construction of subjects within the contexts in which they receive media products, and which impact upon their reception process of media products Katz and Lazarsfeld in Boyd-Barrett and Newbold, This socially located approach to audiences studies marks a shift in the terminology of audience research from spectator to viewer which recognises how audiences are agents in the process of message decoding Machado-Borges, , that they manipulate the mass media in relation to their local contexts Curran et al, and that they actively and selectively engage in constructing meanings and pleasures from media products Fiske, Schiller however remains sceptical of the ethnographic approach to audience studies and dismisses its insistence that audiences display cultural power by opposing and resisting the dominant messages encoded in global media products: I am not saying that everybody is a cultural dope.
Writers within the ethnographic tradition Das, ; Thompson, ; Strelitz, respond by saying that audiences localise global media products to their particular social environments, hence the same media product may be very differently received in different parts of the world Das, Globally distributed media products neither constitute nor construct a homogenous global culture.
In addition and in keeping with reception studies, it recommends that the context of use, the text itself and how audiences make texts meaningful also be examined Ethnographic reception studies of global media products The ethnographic approach to audiences has been met with enthusiasm by first world researchers precisely because it situates the consumption of global media products within local contexts which influence audience appropriation of media messages.
Furthermore the nature of involvement of the viewer, in relation to understanding, interpretation and involvement was shown to vary in relation to social and cultural background , These findings are reinforced by more recent studies conducted amongst African audiences Miller, ; Davis and Davis, ; Strelitz, ; Boshoff, ; Assefa, ; Phiri, Miller found that Trinidadian audiences had localised The Young and the Restless by making sense of it and absorbing it into local meanings and practices of fashion and sex.
A study of adolescents in the semi-rural town of Zawiya, Morocco another country of Arab origin and their consumption of a variety of Western, Middle Eastern, and locally produced media Davis and Davis, during a period of social change in their community, also revealed a relationship between their exposure to the media and their use of these images to re-imagine many aspects of their lives, particularly in relation to social behavior, choice of mate, and career aspirations.
Davis and Davis found that many of the adolescents in their study were eager to reconcile the tensions between their traditional Islamic values and the more contemporary and modern media-relayed ones. They found that the men and women, to some extent, responded differently to American media.
For example, while both men and women gained new perspectives especially on heterosexual interactions, the young women, in addition to this, used their media consumption to explore changing gender roles and new male-female dynamics. The construction by these young Moroccan adolescents of a post-modern brand of cultural identity Miller that is rooted within their local lives depicts an element of symbolic distancing.
It is an aspect of the appropriation of globalised media products into localised audience practices. Strelitz also encountered elements of symbolic distancing during his interview with Khulani, a male student at Rhodes University in South Africa. Khulani had grown up in a strongly traditional Zulu family and was exposed to western culture for the first time after leaving home through the North American soap opera The Bold and the Beautiful.
Strelitz found that Khulani adopted a certain number of Western values picked up in part from the soap opera which co-existed with his traditional patriarchal Zulu identities, and together influenced his understandings of the relationship between a father and a son, a husband and a wife, and even the roles and identities of a woman.
The ability to situate and embed the acts of media consumption and reception within a social setting has also been favoured by feminist researchers. In her study of a British soap opera, Lovell made a similar finding to Strelitz Radway also embedded her female readers of the romance novel within their familial environment to discover how her readers saw themselves first as women and then as mothers Radway, The act of reading was, to them, a bid for independence which marked an escape from the physical and emotional demands of domestic labour.
Studies of women audiences in the third world have also been conducted under the ethnographic tradition which explore the globalised diffusion and localised appropriation of media products Thompson, She also found that audiences identified with the actors and episodes either as a way to participate in the middle class glamour or because they felt that their lives were somehow inexplicably linked to the characters. Martin-Barbero et al also recognise the influence that the urban-rural dynamic has on audience understanding and appropriation of media products.
They show that audiences use media products to vicariously experience other situations Thompson, ; Appadurai, Telenovelas have also been shown to integrate with other media and their messages are circulated, appropriated and reiterated by audiences in their everyday situations and encounters of the audience Machado-Borges, The importance of situating audiences within their varying local contexts before studying their reception of media products has therefore been well established by a number of media researchers working within both first world and third world contexts.
However, Latin American studies are useful to this study in that they investigate the reception of telenovelas, explore reception predominantly amongst women audiences, and explore the rural-urban theme within telenovelas and how women respond to it. Conclusion By asking who likes what and why do they like it and relating these responses to audience identities, how they define themselves and what they are interested in Martin-Barbero, ; Straubhaar, , ethnographic reception studies show how audiences are situated within social and cultural context which they draw upon to understand and make sense of global media products, and that their encounters and interactions with these media products are integrated with, and perhaps open avenues for change in their local social roles and identities.
Key assumptions of the media imperialism thesis, as they relate to the reception of global media products by global audiences, have therefore been challenged. In the next chapter, I will discuss Cuando Seas Mia, drawing upon its identity as a Mexican media product and the core generic and thematic dualities that it explores within its narrative. Introduction Telenovelas, Latin American soap operas, have attracted huge global audiences that transcend nation, class, culture and gender differences Acosta-Alzuru, They have been exported from the Latin American market to more than a hundred nations around the world Melo, including North America, Europe, Asia, the Middle East and Africa, and have been dubbed and sometimes edited in many different national contexts Melo, ; Allen, ; Sinclair, The popularity of telenovelas in North America has been attributed to its high immigrant population, and in Europe and Asia to a shared cultural and linguistic heritage Pal, ; Sinclair, ; Straubhaar, In these latter countries, television companies also produce their own local version of telenovelas.
However their popularity amongst African audiences, with whom they share neither a cultural nor a linguistic heritage, remains unexplained. At the time of writing, seven telenovelas aired in Kenya on four different, national stations. Of the seven, four originated from Latin America. In order to contextualise how the young Kenyan women in this study understand Cuando Seas Mia the Mexican telenovela researched in this study, which was aired on KTN , this chapter will provide an overview of the Mexican media industry and its telenovelas, before providing a brief synopsis of Cuando Seas Mia.
It will then discuss the generic and thematic dualities that Cuando Seas Mia explores, which its audiences may engage with as a way to understand their own roles and identities. Televisa is the largest and most influential media corporation in the Spanish- speaking world Sinclair, , and a major player in the international entertainment business.
Despite competition from TV Azteca, Televisa continues to be the number one producer of telenovelas worldwide. The viewing of telenovelas is not limited to Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking territories but is spreading to regions such as Malaysia, Namibia and Turkey Hecht, They have also gained increasing popularity amongst African audiences, of whom the Lusophone are one of the most enthusiastic, followed by the Francophone.
Others attribute the international success of telenovelas to the ways in which they engage with social issues. Contemporary Mexican telenovelas discuss these topics and their effects on Mexican society, giving rise to narratives that touch on unemployment, migration, poverty, prostitution, AIDS, drugs, egotistical passions and personal aspirations, and which, as a result, are full of conflict and contradiction between the rural and the urban, the traditional and the modern, the good and the bad Clenton, Marcos Santana, CEO of Tepuy International a global television distributor headquartered in Miami with offices in South America and Europe , attributes the global audience appeal of telenovelas to their reliance on a traditional love story in which the poor, Cinderella-like girl falls in love with an upper-class man.
Angelica Aragon, novela and stage actress in Schlefer, says that telenovelas are aspirational since the main plot continues to be about an impossible love where the driving protagonista is the Cinderella character, and alongside her search for love and justice is a search for lost identity Schlefer, The global appeal of telenovelas has therefore also been popularly attributed to how they offer hope since they suggest that ethical conduct will be rewarded on earth Schlefer, : If I see Veronica Castro in The Rich Also Cry, she could be Mexican, French, or African … But she suffers during her whole life, and in the end she becomes the senora of the household, respected, loved.
And I want to believe in that. It is a love story located within the Mexican coffee industry, and captures both the rural and the urban sceneries of the industry from the coffee haciendas in the countryside through to the export offices in Mexico City. It revolves around the love story of Paloma and Diego. Paloma is a coffee collector, a migrant worker who travels around the Mexican countryside with her mother, Soledad, harvesting coffee berries on different plantations.
Paloma is set apart from the rest of the collectors because she is often seen studying, reading or dreaming about a better life. Diego is one of the three grandsons of the coffee baron, Lorenzo Sanchez-Serrano. Diego and his sisters, Diana and Daniella, were orphaned at a young age when their parents died in a car accident, and they were raised by their grandparents.
When the narrative begins, Diego is studying in London with his cousin Fabian, and is forced to return suddenly to Mexico with Fabian and Diana when his grandfather dies. While Diego is at the family hacienda in Mexico, Hacienda Casa Blanca, he hears a woman singing in the coffee fields, and traces the sound to Paloma.
They secretly fall in love and spend time together, talking and drinking tequila. A few weeks later, Diego has to return to London to finish his studies but he promises Paloma that he will return to Mexico in exactly one year and marry her. It is a period of time that is romanticised, idealised and often flashed back to in the course of the narrative.
Shortly after Diego leaves, Paloma realizes that she is pregnant with his child. She has no way of reaching him but, in her naivete, she assumes that if she goes to London, she will be able to find him. So when a fashion photographer, who is actually part of a prostitution cartel in Europe, approaches her she agrees to his offer to go to Europe, seeing it as her chance to find Diego.
Paloma leaves Mexico for Europe and a few weeks later, Diego returns to the Hacienda Casa Blanca unable to live without her. But he cannot find her or anyone that can give him news of where she, her mother or the other collectors could be. Some months pass; he becomes despondent, consumes too much tequila and loses faith in their love for each other.
Paloma meanwhile returns to Mexico. She tells her mother how upon arrival in Europe, she realized she had been duped and brought to Europe as a prostitute and not as a model; how she escaped the clutches of the cartel and made her way to London, and that she lost her baby and never managed to find Diego.
Paloma waits for the pre-determined date that she and Diego had agreed upon to meet and goes to the hacienda to meet him. Heart broken, she moves to the city with her mother anxious for a new start, and convinced by her experiences abroad that she does not want to return to the life of a collector.
The Sanchez-Serrano family offers a backdrop to the development of the romance between Diego and Paloma, influenced in most part by issues of inheritance pursuant to the death of Don Lorenzo, and as per his will, Hacienda Casa Blanca is left to Diego and his sisters, while El Cafatelero and the shipping industry are left to Juan Francisco and his sons, Fabian and Barnardo and the family feud that ensues.
The rift created by the division of property is replicated in the attitudes towards the developing romance between Diego and Paloma. Tensions escalate towards the end of the serial. Diego is arrested, jailed and tried for the fraudulent and corrupt activities that Fabian committed at El Cafatelero. Eventually, Ines recovers, Fabian is revealed as the true culprit of the fraud and arrested, Diego is released and in the last episode of the series, all the loose ends are tied together and Diego and Paloma marry.
Their historical origin and motivation to create audience loyalty is important because it explains their use of particular generic characteristics and thematic dualities, which in turn offers insight into their popularity amongst large and diverse women audiences and amongst a specific instance of audience interpretation in Nairobi.
Three major periods depict the historic development of the telenovela. The first, the Romantic period between the s and the s, focused on the love story and distanciated itself from reality.
The second, the realist period between the s and the mid s, was more grounded in contemporary social and cultural issues and incorporated the greater use of local dialect and colloquialisms. The third, the post Elitist phase which began in the mid s, was born out of the spirit of democratisation and freedom of speech. All three of these sub-genres exist today and some contemporary telenovelas combine all three strands Tufte, Cuando Seas Mia is one such telenovela.
It centres on the romance that blossoms between characters of different backgrounds Kaminsky and Mahan, : Diego, the owner of Hacienda Casa Blanca and Paloma, a coffee collector who works seasonally at the hacienda.
Cuando Seas Mia, like other telenovelas, has strong roots in its surrounding society and culture, emphasises class dynamics, and is oriented towards family viewing Tufte, Through its focus on a leading couple, it encourages the development of intimacy between the central characters and audiences Nariman, The plot lines, narratives and characters of the telenovela Cuando Seas Mia are constructed within the soap opera genre.
There are two main soap opera styles: the closed soap opera and the open, a distinction which is based upon the finite or infinite structure of their narratives Allen, In Latin America, the closed soap opera style - or telenovela - is more common. The telenovela that is studied by this thesis, Cuando Seas Mia, is a night time telenovela. Mexican telenovelas deal with the more universal topics of love, betrayal, jealousy, seduction, violence, revenge, passion, oppression, sexism, corruption and incest Soon, To their critics, telenovelas and soap operas are a form of low art, a less meaningful and a less complex form of art Kaminsky and Mahan, which hold purely entertainment and emotional value and which do not appeal to the mind Kaminsky and Mahan, They are defined both culturally and aesthetically as inconsequential, unworthy, tawdry, sensational, and undignified Allen, In keeping with contemporary approaches to audience studies, this study challenges these assumptions and recognises that women audiences are not uniform in composition: W omen do not in themselves constitute a social group; rather they are a category that cuts across social class, ethnic groupings, communities and nations Jelin, Like all audiences, women audiences are defined by their social and cultural environments which shape their identities, roles and values, and which in turn influence the meanings that they make from global media products.
Global media products are seen as offering a source of ritual meaning to audiences, a way of metaphorically dealing with issues Kaminsky and Mahan, which have been subordinated by existing hegemonic structures and their ideologies. It has been argued, however, that since any construction or interpretation of the real is a situated one, soap opera audiences have particular expectations concerning realism, giving rise to concepts of realism rather than a realism Ellis, Here, the real world depicted for the audience is not necessarily limited to denotative representations of local material and symbolic resources, but encompasses what is considered authentic and what resonates with their individual identities.
Some aspects of the telenovela narrative intertwine melodrama and this form of realism. For example, a realistic story line exploring existent social issues such as migration, adaptation to urban life, rural nostalgia, social mobility, and coping with and aspiring to modern consumer culture Tufte, would be enacted by stereotypical characters with an exaggerated and melodramatic script.
Every detail is discussed - the expressions, clothes, hair It draws upon the polysemic nature of media texts and the socially situated identity of audiences Strelitz, and is where audiences construct a range of meanings and pleasures by engaging with the soap opera storyline and its characters. This approach proposes the notion of an active audience by recognising that audiences actively engage with media products Strelitz, Cuando Seas Mia intertwines empiricist realism and emotional realism within its narratives.
Cuando Seas Mia therefore examines a contemporary economic issue that is relevant to the lives of global audiences for whom rural-urban migration patterns are a central concern. They have an established sense of geographical space within a specific city and within standard sets. These familiar sets help to define the moments in the telenovela and, because they represent a particular location rural or urban Mexico, professional or home environment , constitute an important part of the realism Ford, such that even when outlandish plots are taking place they are within locations that are familiar to audiences and therefore more acceptable.
The emphasis is, however, on the indoor world, the personal sphere and the family Martin Barbero, in Barker, which directs the focus of the narrative onto the sphere of interpersonal relationships.
Each set, therefore, serves a metaphorical function within the narrative Kaminsky and Mahan, , to which it imaginatively but not literally applies. For example, the red architecture of the hacienda, green coffee fields and tequila represent the Mexican countryside, and serve to emotionally locate characters, even if the physical surroundings are unfamiliar.
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